There is substantial literature on the impact of the mass media on children’s and adolescents’ health and development. The question of what role new technology plays in the media’s influence is now a subject of both review and discussion, particularly regarding health risks and intervention. This article takes a brief look at online usage and the theoretical mechanisms that might make Internet access more problematic in terms of risks, compared with more traditional media such as television and film. One of these risks, known today as cyberbullying or Internet harassment, is scrutinized in detail.
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The era of new technology and its influence on health-related issues for children and adolescents are firmly confronting us and changing almost daily.
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These new technologies allow not only for the creation of aggression, but the ability to actually be aggressive against another, in what has been termed cyberbullying.
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The effects of being a victim of cyberbullying are often the same for youth who are bullied in person, including, for example, a drop in grades, lower self-esteem, or depression.
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In terms of solutions, the context in which online victimization occurs needs to be considered, and it is suggested that researchers examine online-related outcomes for existing evidence-based violence prevention programs.
The many articles in this issue address various aspects of this research. This article examines just one of these concerns, cyberbullying or Internet harassment, and considers how in a relatively short period of time a new form of acting aggressively has become part of daily conversation. In addressing this somewhat recent form of interpersonal aggression, the author takes a brief look at online usage and the theoretical mechanisms that might make Internet access more problematic in terms of risks, compared with more traditional media such as television and film. One of these risks, known today as cyberbullying ( Fig. 1 ), is scrutinized in detail.

Is anyone online?
The answer to this question is a simple yes. Going back to the 1960s our media platforms were television, film, radio, and the press. Eventually cable and video games were added, and concerns about these new technologies drew the attention of researchers. In looking at today’s media platforms, children and adolescents now have access to the following: movies, print, radio, television, cable television, home video game consoles, portable music players, DVDs, home computers, portable handheld video game systems, Internet, cell phones, MP3 players, DVRs, electronic interactive toys, Internet-connected smart phones, tablet computers. Furthermore, those few television stations of the 1960s now number in the thousands. Does this change the impact? In many ways the answer is yes.
The first question one can ask is whether these new media platforms are being used by today’s youth. The answer is a definite affirmative. In their ongoing analysis of teen Internet use, the Pew Foundation notes that in the last decade online use has gone from 70% to 95%, home broadband from 8% to 73%, and cell-phone use from 30% to 75% among teens (with 83% among 17-year-olds). In the last 3 years alone, smartphone use has tripled. Wireless connectivity, making the use of these new technologies easier and faster, has also shown substantial increases during this time. In its most recent study of media use, the Kaiser Foundation found that Internet use among 8- to 18-year-olds has gone from 47% to 84% in the past decade, with over one-third having such access in their bedrooms. Social network sites were basically unheard of 7 years ago, yet today more than half of all Americans use a site such as Facebook ( Fig. 2 ).

The Kaiser study also indicated that the amount of time viewing television content had increased over the last decade, but this increase is accounted for primarily by the viewing of such programming over the Internet and mobile devices. Adolescents now spend more than 10 hours a day with some form of media. Perhaps as interesting is the Pew finding that teens actually spend more time contacting their friends via texting (54%) than through face-to-face contact (33%). One should note that such findings are not restricted to the culture of American youth, being quite similar in other countries.
Unlike traditional media such as television, the Internet and these new technologies (eg, mobile devices) give children and adolescents access to just about any form of content they can find. From the perspective of a child or adolescent it does not take much effort to have access to any form of violence, advertising, or sexual behavior that may be considered risky with regard to health. (See article by Strasburger and colleagues elsewhere in this issue for further exploration of this topic.) Furthermore, this can be done in the privacy of their own room with little supervision from their parents.
What mechanisms might account for newer technology differing from traditional media?
Might these newer technologies have differing effects to those of traditional media? Malamuth and colleagues have provided a theoretical viewpoint, which in the author’s opinion puts the role of these newer technologies in perspective relative to more traditional media such as television. It also begins to give some insight into why cyberbullying has become more of a potential risk and a focus of attention. According to these investigators, the Internet provides motivational, disinhibitory, and opportunity aspects that make it somewhat different to traditional media in terms of its potential risk impact.
In terms of motivation the Internet is ubiquitous, in that it is always on and can easily be accessed, thus leading to high levels of exposure. There is little parental supervision, and media use today is essentially round-the-clock. The increase of media in the bedroom and the portability of new technologies (eg, smartphones) makes access almost universal. In the world of new technology there is no “family-viewing hour.” Because online activities are often more interactive and engaging, users have the ability to increase their learning of both positive and negative attitudes and behaviors.
The disinhibitory aspect implies that the content is often unregulated, which is true given its global reach. Governmental constraints or filters are often short lived, given ever-expanding technological advances to get around these constraints. Studies suggest that extreme forms of violent or sexual content are more prevalent on the Internet than in other popular media. Given that participation is private and anonymous, it allows for the searching of materials a child or adolescent would normally not do with traditional media. Anonymity has a strong influence on reducing inhibitions. Finally, online media exposure is much more difficult for parents to monitor than is media exposure in traditional venues.
Opportunity aspects play a more important role in the area of cyberbullying and child sexual exploitation. Potential victims are readily available, and the identity of the aggressor is often unknown. Often aggressors can disguise themselves, as is the case with pedophiles.
What mechanisms might account for newer technology differing from traditional media?
Might these newer technologies have differing effects to those of traditional media? Malamuth and colleagues have provided a theoretical viewpoint, which in the author’s opinion puts the role of these newer technologies in perspective relative to more traditional media such as television. It also begins to give some insight into why cyberbullying has become more of a potential risk and a focus of attention. According to these investigators, the Internet provides motivational, disinhibitory, and opportunity aspects that make it somewhat different to traditional media in terms of its potential risk impact.
In terms of motivation the Internet is ubiquitous, in that it is always on and can easily be accessed, thus leading to high levels of exposure. There is little parental supervision, and media use today is essentially round-the-clock. The increase of media in the bedroom and the portability of new technologies (eg, smartphones) makes access almost universal. In the world of new technology there is no “family-viewing hour.” Because online activities are often more interactive and engaging, users have the ability to increase their learning of both positive and negative attitudes and behaviors.
The disinhibitory aspect implies that the content is often unregulated, which is true given its global reach. Governmental constraints or filters are often short lived, given ever-expanding technological advances to get around these constraints. Studies suggest that extreme forms of violent or sexual content are more prevalent on the Internet than in other popular media. Given that participation is private and anonymous, it allows for the searching of materials a child or adolescent would normally not do with traditional media. Anonymity has a strong influence on reducing inhibitions. Finally, online media exposure is much more difficult for parents to monitor than is media exposure in traditional venues.
Opportunity aspects play a more important role in the area of cyberbullying and child sexual exploitation. Potential victims are readily available, and the identity of the aggressor is often unknown. Often aggressors can disguise themselves, as is the case with pedophiles.
The internet as a medium for violence
Given these changes in technology, how does having access to the Internet affect a child’s or adolescents exposure to violence, and in particular for this article, cyberbullying? Fig. 3 shows how this might be conceptualized, in terms of both the Internet generally and the use of new technologies such as mobile phones, and the place of cyberbullying in this conceptualization.
The Internet, and all the platforms and devices through which it can be accessed, allows the individual to view traditional television/film and video games through live streaming or downloads. For the child or adolescent, access to what might be considered restricted materials (adult rated) is much easier via both legal and “illegal” outlets. The article by Strasburger and colleagues in this issue examines the effects of media violence in both traditional television/film and video games. It is beyond question that newer technologies have not only expanded the realm of materials but also the sources for viewing.
As already noted, the motivation and disinhibitions once relegated to traditional media have been substantially changed. As the Kaiser survey found, television content is now part of a multitude of mobile devices and is more readily available. There are several theoretical reasons to expect even stronger effects from exposure to violence with new technologies. The ability for interaction, rehearsal, repetitiveness, privacy, and other mechanisms all suggest that effects would be enhanced.
The Internet and its varying Web sites offer another dimension. Web sites offer not only the prospect of viewing more severe violence (eg, real decapitations and executions) but also access to hate and terrorist groups. Some online archives provide instructions for making bombs or other weapons. In an extensive survey of European countries, the EU Kids Online 2011 project found that seeing graphic violent or hateful content was experienced by approximately one-third of teenagers, making it one of the higher risk concerns.
Not only can adolescents view violence on the Internet but they can also create and upload violent materials. The viewer is no longer a passive participant but now becomes the creator of violent images. Users furthermore have the ability to place that material across the globe instantaneously. Finally, Web sites, and in particular social networking sites, blogs, chat rooms, and e-mail, allow not only for the creation of aggression, but also the ability to actually aggress against another, in what has been termed cyberbullying. This aspect of the Internet and new technology is new and of increasing concern.
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