Problematic School Absenteeism

Chapter 18
Problematic School Absenteeism


Christopher A. Kearney and Emma Ross


BRIEF OVERVIEW OF PROBLEMATIC SCHOOL ABSENTEEISM


Problematic school absenteeism is a complex and serious problem for many youth referred for treatment. Youth with problematic school absenteeism (1) have missed at least 25% of total school time for at least 2 weeks, (2) experience severe difficulty attending classes for at least 2 weeks, with significant interference in a youth’s or family’s daily routine, and/or (3) are absent for at least 10 days of school during any 15-week period while school is in session, with an absence defined as 25% or more of school time missed (Kearney, 2008a). Problematic absenteeism thus includes complete absences from school, skipped classes, tardiness, morning misbehaviors in an attempt to miss school, and/or substantial distress at school that precipitates pleas for future nonattendance (Kearney, 2003).


Problematic school absenteeism in its various forms may occur at some time in as many as 28% to 35% of youth (Piña, Zerr, Gonzales, & Ortiz, 2009). A large community survey of youth with truancy and anxiety-based school refusal that required actual time missed from school revealed a more narrow prevalence of 8.2% (Egger, Costello, & Angold, 2003). Still, high school graduation rates are exceedingly poor in many American cities, such as Los Angeles (45.3%), New York (45.2%), Baltimore (34.6%), and Detroit (24.9%) (EPE Research Center, 2008). In addition, a recent national study revealed that the rate of chronic absenteeism (i.e., missing 10+% of the school year) among American youth may be 10% to 15%. Chronic absenteeism is higher among low-income students, and school dropout rates are highest among Hispanics (Balfanz & Byrnes, 2012).


Some youth are referred to treatment because of absentee problems, but such problems also can be part of broader anxiety, mood, or disruptive behavior disorders (McShane, Walter, & Rey, 2001). Key concomitants of problematic school absenteeism include substance abuse, violence, suicide attempt, risky sexual behavior, pregnancy, delinquency-related behaviors, injury, illness, and school dropout. Longitudinal studies reveal severe consequences of school absenteeism into adulthood, including economic deprivation and psychiatric, social, marital, and occupational problems (Kearney, 2008b).


EVIDENCE-BASED APPROACHES


Evidence-based approaches for problematic school absenteeism include preventive, early, and later interventions. These interventions can be conceptualized along a tier system and are described next.


Introduction


A key challenge for those who address problematic school absenteeism is that researchers from many different disciplines study this population. Researchers in education, psychology, criminal justice, law, social work, nursing, medicine, and sociology have devised various definitions as well as different classification, assessment, and treatment strategies for this population. Mental health professionals often concentrate on anxiety-based school refusal, for example, whereas educators and criminal justice experts often concentrate on delinquent-related truancy. Thus, little standardization across research articles has emerged.


Several scholars in recent years have called for more integrated and comprehensive approaches to address problematic school absenteeism (Kearney, 2008a; Lyon & Cotler, 2009; Reid, 2011). Such approaches would: encompass all youth with difficulties attending school; incorporate prevention as well as intervention strategies; resonate with health, mental health, and educational professionals; and be tailored to the developmental and academic needs of a given student.


One approach that may fit these criteria is a response to intervention (RtI) model, or a systematic decision-making process to assign evidence-based strategies based on student need (Fox, Carta, Strain, Dunlap, & Hemmeter, 2010). RtI involves a proactive focus on early identification of learning and behavior problems and immediate, effective intervention. RtI includes a three-tiered approach of universal, targeted, and intensive interventions. Tier 1, or universal, interventions are directed toward all students and involve a core set of strategies and regular screening to identify students who are not benefiting from these core strategies. Tier 2, or targeted, interventions are directed toward at-risk students who require additional support beyond Tier 1 strategies. Tier 3, or intensive, interventions are directed toward students with severe problems who require a more concentrated approach and constant progress monitoring.


An RtI model may be compatible for problematic school absenteeism. RtI and problematic absenteeism scholars focus on the need for early intervention with progress monitoring, functional behavioral assessment, empirically supported treatments to reduce obstacles to academic achievement (including absenteeism), multitier organization, and a team-based approach for implementation. Early intervention is crucial, given that even moderate rates of absenteeism are linked to substantial academic and behavioral problems (Henry, 2007). The next sections outline Tier 1, 2, and 3 interventions for problematic school absenteeism that have received considerable empirical support.


Tier 1 Interventions


Tier 1 interventions are directed toward all students and are largely preventive. Tier 1 interventions are “whole school” in nature and focus on risk factors that contribute to absenteeism on a wide scale. Such risk factors include poor school climate, school violence and bullying, unhealthy learning environments, and student mental health concerns. Tier 1 interventions thus include strategies to improve school climate and safety as well as student health and social-emotional development.


Whole-school interventions to improve school climate include the Positive Behavioral Intervention and Supports (PBIS) program, which emphasizes prosocial behaviors, frequent monitoring of disciplinary issues, and evidence-based practices for academic and behavior problems. PBIS is implemented by school officials and does improve academic gains and student perceptions of school safety; the program also reduces office disciplinary referrals and school suspensions (Lassen, Steele, & Sailor, 2006). PBIS may be adapted for attendance issues to include examination of patterns in attendance data and increased student involvement in attendance policies. The role of the homeroom teacher also can be restructured to identify students at risk for absenteeism and to inform school officials and parents about an absence (Graeff-Martins et al., 2007).


Climate approaches also include developing school cultures that recognize academic accomplishments. Award ceremonies for good attendance, frequent monitoring of absences, and quicker notification of parents following an absence thus are advisable (Epstein & Sheldon, 2002). Others have advocated that school climate approaches to boost attendance must involve flexible responses to absenteeism (as opposed to legal referral), customizing curriculum and instruction to individual academic needs, and alternative educational methods to allow for more gradual accumulation of academic credit (Archambault, Janosz, Fallu, & Pagani, 2009; Martin, 2011).


Whole-school interventions that reduce problematic school absenteeism also include bullying and violence prevention and conflict resolution. Bullying prevention focuses on clear and well-enforced school rules regarding social violence, classroom interventions, parental engagement, community participation, curriculum changes, increased supervision, social skills and support groups, behavioral contracts, counseling for victims and perpetrators, and mentoring (Olweus & Limber, 2010; Vreeman & Carroll, 2007). Beane, Miller, and Spurling (2008) found that their Bully Free Program enhanced school attendance between baseline (90.8%) and after 175 days of program implementation (97.8%). Other school-wide practices to reduce violence include security enforcement, crisis plans for violent acts, anger management classes, parent training and family therapy, and peer mediation. Truancy and dropout prevention programs often involve enhancing safe learning environments (Smink & Reimer, 2005).


Whole-school interventions to reduce problematic absenteeism also include health-based programs. These interventions focus on hand washing, flu immunization, asthma and lice management, specialized educational services for those with chronic medical conditions, and routine medical care for pregnant youth. These programs boost overall attendance levels. Other school-based health services that may reduce absenteeism include health and nutrition education as well as HIV and STD prevention (Freudenberg & Ruglis, 2007).


Whole-school interventions to reduce problematic school absenteeism also include programs to address students’ mental health needs. Substance abuse prevention, coping skills, and treatments for emotional, learning, and disruptive behavior disorders are good examples (Weist, Stiegler, Stephan, Cox, & Vaughan, 2010). Other programs focus on conflict resolution, anger management, coping with divorce or family conflict, and sex education (Brown & Bolen, 2008). Mental health programs in schools are sometimes combined with academic remediation strategies and have led sometimes to improvements in tardiness, absenteeism, and dropout rates (Hoagwood et al., 2007).


Tier 1 approaches for problematic absenteeism also include social and emotional learning programs, such as character education. The latter emphasizes core values and life skills to promote social competence and learning. Snyder and colleagues (2010) implemented a social-emotional and character development program that involved six areas:



  1. Self-concept
  2. Physical and intellectual actions (e.g., nutrition, decision-making skills)
  3. Social and emotional actions (self-control, time management)
  4. Interpersonal skills (e.g., empathy, conflict resolution)
  5. Integrity and self-appraisal
  6. Self-improvement (e.g., problem solving, persistence)

Schools with the intervention had significantly lower absenteeism than control schools.


Tier 2 Interventions


Tier 2 interventions are directed toward at-risk students who require additional support beyond Tier 1. Students at Tier 2 include those who are beginning to refuse school, which may involve obvious behaviors, such as scattered absences, or subtle behaviors, such as escalating distress about attending school. Some students also have difficulty transitioning from one school to another and begin missing school. Key goals for treatment include stabilizing school attendance, reintegrating a youth to school, reducing emerging distress and obstacles to attendance, and addressing school-based threats. Tier 2 interventions include those for (1) anxiety- and non–anxiety-based cases of school refusal behavior and (2) student engagement.


Interventions for anxiety-based school refusal help students manage physical and cognitive anxiety symptoms, ease reentry to classes, and resolve obstacles to attendance. These interventions often consist of relaxation training and breathing retraining, cognitive therapy, gradual reintegration into classes, participation in extracurricular activities, social skills training, and conflict resolution. Detailed guidelines for these procedures are available (Eisen & Engler, 2006; Heyne & Rollings, 2002; Kearney & Albano, 2007).


King and colleagues (1998) found that cognitive behavioral therapy (CBT) for six sessions was superior to wait-list control for attendance, fear, anxiety, and depression. Treatment was especially effective if a youth returned swiftly to school and if parents and youth were involved in the intervention. Last, Hansen, and Franco (1998) found that both CBT and education support (control), which consisted of allowing youth to express concerns about school, produced substantial improvements in school attendance, fear, anxiety, and depression over 12 weeks. Bernstein and colleagues (2000) found that CBT with imipramine was superior to placebo for improving attendance and depression over 8 weeks. Better response to treatment was predicted by higher baseline attendance and less separation anxiety and avoidant disorder (Layne, Bernstein, Egan, & Kushner, 2003). Heyne and colleagues (2002, 2011) also have found that youth-/parent-based CBT produced improvements in attendance and distress.


Tier 2 cases also involve non–anxiety-based problems that contribute to nonattendance. Kearney (2007) identified several functions of school refusal behavior: avoidance of school-based stimuli that provoke negative affectivity, escape from aversive school-based social and/or evaluative situations, pursuit of attention from significant others, and pursuit of tangible rewards outside of school. The functional model of school refusal behavior thus covers anxiety- and non–anxiety-based cases. The School Refusal Assessment Scale–Revised is used to identify the key maintaining variables of a child’s absenteeism (Haight, Kearney, Hendron, & Schafer, 2011).


Kearney and colleagues designed a prescriptive treatment approach to tailor interventions to a child’s primary function for missing school. Youth who refuse school to avoid school-based stimuli that provoke negative affectivity receive child-based somatic control exercises and gradual reintegration to school. Youth who refuse school to escape aversive school-based social and/or evaluative situations receive child-based somatic control exercises, cognitive therapy, and gradual reintegration to school. Youth who refuse school to pursue attention from significant others receive parent-based contingency management to establish set morning routines and provide attention-based consequences. Youth who refuse school to pursue tangible rewards outside of school receive family-based contingency contracting to boost incentives for attendance and disincentives for nonattendance (Kearney & Albano, 2007). A functionally based, prescriptive treatment approach has empirical support (see Kearney, 2008b). Intervention administered on the basis of a youth’s primary function of school refusal behavior has been found superior to intervention administered on the basis of a youth’s least influential function of school refusal behavior (Kearney & Silverman, 1999).


Piña and colleagues (2009) conducted a meta-analysis of psychosocial (and largely cognitive behavioral) interventions for school refusal behavior. Across group design studies, school attendance improved from 30% at pretest to 75% at posttest (range at posttest: 47% to 100%). Effect sizes were also calculated for continuous variables associated with school refusal behavior, such as anxiety, fear, and depression. These effect sizes were quite variable (range, –0.40 to 4.64), leading the authors to conclude that CBT may be effective for some domains (e.g., anxiety) more so than others (e.g., depression). These authors and others have contended that greater research is needed to pinpoint mediators of behavior change and which interventions are best for individual cases. Psychosocial interventions also require refinement to maximize effectiveness for a wider swath of youth who refuse school (Tolin et al., 2009).

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Sep 11, 2016 | Posted by in PEDIATRICS | Comments Off on Problematic School Absenteeism

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