Figure 7.1
Confluence of obesogenic environment and cultural influence. Black cultural influence has an additive interaction with the overall obesogenic environment further promoting obesity among Black women. Conversely, White cultural influence acts as a counterweight to the prevailing obesogenic environment by influencing White women to strive for thinness (Reproduced with permission from: Ard [5])
Body Image as a Construct
Body image, an important factor in weight control, encompasses one’s perception of body size and the emotional response or attitude toward that perception [6–8]. Body image is often assessed using attitudinal questionnaires such as the Body Cathexis Scale [9], the Body Shape Questionnaire [10] or by exploring percept evaluations using figure rating exercises. For the figure rating exercises, participants are shown a series of numbered silhouettes ranging from very thin to extremely obese. Participants are asked to select which figure they currently most resemble. This is known as body imagecurrent. To further explore dimensions of body image, participants are often asked to select which figure they would like to resemble. This is known as body imageideal. The calculated difference between body imagecurrent and body imageideal is called body image discrepancy or body image dissatisfaction (BID = body imagecurrent − body imageideal). Several instruments have been developed to facilitate this line of study. The most widely used instrument is the Stunkard Figure Rating Scale, which consists of 9 silhouettes (see Fig. 7.2a) [11]. The Stunkard scale was introduced in the early 1980s as an easy-to-administer self-assessment of body image and has been strengthened by subsequent work, which established BMI norms for adults and children [12]. Several additional figure rating scales have been developed and adapted to be appropriate for diverse populations [8, 13, 14]. Highlighted at the bottom of Fig. 7.2b is the scale developed by Pulvers et al., who sought to develop an instrument more relatable to a range of cultures with detailed figures, but not specific to any one culture [13]. Scales are currently being developed that better depict body proportions for African-Americans and allow participants to desire change of specific body parts (i.e., chest, hips) vs. change of the entire body. From these figure rating exercises, many conclusions have been drawn about body image among African-American and White women. Research has shown that both African-American and White women report some body image dissatisfaction [15–18]. However, White women typically report greater body image dissatisfaction than African-American women, while African-American women generally report body image ideals larger than that of White women [19, 20]. There are a range of proposed factors that may influence body image differences across race/ethnic groups.


Figure 7.2
Selected figure rating scales. (a) Stunkard Figure Rating Scale: most widely used instrument developed as an easy-to-administer self-assessment of body image (Reproduced with permission from: Stunkard et al. [11]). (b) Pulvers Figure Rating Scale: instrument adapted to be appropriate for diverse populations [13] (Reproduced with permission of John Wiley & Sons, Inc)
Historical Influence
Body image ideals in the United States are thought to have roots in historical conditions where different body sizes were promoted for African-American and White women. The environmental and economic conditions in colonial times made women who were physically strong and able preferable because they were seen as fertile and able to contribute to the land and household chores [21]. Later, with the introduction of slavery, White women were urged to be thin and frail to make them more attractive candidates for marriage to an upper-class man who could then justify the use of slaves by stating that his wife was too frail to work [22]. However, this pressure to be thin was never imposed upon African-American women. In fact, for African-American women, larger, stronger bodies were preferred by Whites because this body type was seen as more equipped to endure the working conditions. Additionally, African-American men also preferred African-American women with larger body types because that suggested to them the strength, productivity, robustness, and fertility of that woman. From this, we might hypothesize that what was once a survival- and strategy-driven rationale for preference of certain body sizes, over generations, has become an inherent social norm in current society.
Current Social Influence
Media
The current media has also been identified as a contributor to body image perceptions of women [21]. Differential depictions of African-American and White women in the media may drive the differences in body image ideals that have persisted for several decades. For example, a 2004 study by Schooler and colleagues reported that White women were negatively influenced by seeing thin White women in the media, but African-American women were not affected by these images [23]. However, for African-American women, viewing African-American-oriented media actually demonstrated some protective effect on their body image [23], which is believed to be a result of the larger body sizes of African-American women that are often seen in the mainstream media.
Opposite Sex Preferences
Male preference for body size has also been cited as a contributor to body image among women [24]. Currently, male’s physical appearance preferences for women largely mirror the body image ideals that seemed to develop during slavery. Specifically, African-American men prefer African-American women with at least a moderate-sized body shape compared to White men who prefer White women with a thin body shape [24]. Both African-American and White women are aware of male preferences for their respective body sizes. However, there is limited empirical data to establish how male preferences influence body image and actual body sizes of African-American and White women.
Maternal Influence
Mothers may also play a role in the development of body image in their daughters. Subsequently, the body image ideals developed during the formative years are continued into adulthood. Among African-American women, there is a cultural belief of valuing character over appearance [25]. The lower emphasis on appearance may protect against body image dissatisfaction in African-American females. In contrast, White mothers were more critical of heavy daughters in a 1995 study by Brown and colleagues [26]. Thus, it may be that some of the differences in body image ideals seen today when comparing African-American and White women are the result of different maternal emphasis in childhood.
Acculturation
Among African-American women only, acculturation may also influence body image ideals. Acculturation is defined as “socialization: the adoption of the behavior patterns of the surrounding culture.” So, African-American women with greater acculturation with mainstream America are more likely to adopt the “White” standard of beauty which includes thinness. However, African-American women with lower acculturation are more likely to adopt “African-American” standards of beauty, which is ultimately associated with fuller, more voluptuous figures.
To this point, the main focus of this chapter has been on body image differences between African-American and White women largely due to limited body image research in other race/ethnic groups. However, other race/ethnic groups, such as Hispanics and Asian-Americans are not exempt from this discussion and are increasingly being studied by researchers. Challenges for studying body image in Hispanic Americans come from the diversity of this group in terms of lineage (e.g., Mexican, South American, Caribbean) and immigration stage (first generation, second generation, third generation). It is well known that rates of overweight and obesity are also disproportionately high among most Hispanic women [1]. Though the literature for Hispanic body image is not definitive, it suggests that body image beliefs among Hispanics fall somewhere in between that of African-Americans and Whites. Though reporting more body image dissatisfaction than African-Americans, Hispanics still report less body image dissatisfaction than Whites [19]. It has been suggested that body image among Hispanics is influenced by strong familial ties and focus on character. For Asian Americans, for whom overweight and obesity rates are much lower than other groups, there is even less weight-related body image data. Of the literature that is available for body image of Asian-Americans, the findings are mixed. Some studies have found that Asian-Americans are more satisfied with their bodies than Whites and Hispanics [19, 27], while other studies have indicated that Asian-Americans report similar levels of body image dissatisfaction as Whites [28]. The challenges involved in the study of body image of Asian-Americans are similar to that seen in Hispanic Americans (e.g., lineage, immigration stage).
Body Mass Index (BMI)
Though many of the factors influencing body image are psychological in nature and driven by social relationships and norms, one quantitative measure that has a direct association with body image among African-American and White women is BMI. For example, a 2011 study by Cox and colleagues reported that body image ideals differed by obesity class with class I (BMI 30–34 kg/m2) obese women having the smallest body image ideal and class III (BMI ≥40 kg/m2) obese women having the largest body image ideal [16]. However, the causal direction of this relationship is unclear. Some suggest that women may select an ideal body size based on what they see as more relatable to their current size which would lead women who are currently class III obese to choose body image ideals that are larger than that of women who are class I obese. Conversely, the body size that a woman chooses to maintain may be driven by what she sees as ideal. Thus, a woman with a larger body image ideal may be more likely to have a larger actual body size. Further research is needed to more fully understand this relationship. Not only does BMI have a direct relationship with body image ideals, it is also positively associated with body image dissatisfaction. Thus, as BMI increases, body image dissatisfaction increases for both African-American and White women [16, 29]. Though relationships between BMI and body image exist for African-American and White women, thresholds for and magnitudes of the relationships differ. Specifically, when comparing African-American and White women of similar BMIs, African-American women consistently report more satisfaction with their bodies and higher weight-related quality of life [30].
Body Image During Pregnancy
Body image is a part of a woman’s psyche that begins to develop at a young age and continues through the life course. However, body image is not a static concept and may change with the different phases of life that a woman may experience. One such time to consider is the pregnancy phase, which is a very important phase in a woman’s life, with implications for both her own well-being and that of her developing fetus. During pregnancy, women experience substantial and sometimes dramatic changes in their body shape, sensations, muscle tone, and weight, over a relatively short period of time, resulting in significant alterations of body image [31]. It is important to understand women’s adaptation to their changing bodies during pregnancy because body image dissatisfaction has been shown to be associated with depression, anxiety [32, 33], and unhealthy dieting and eating behaviors [34], which all have serious implications for the health and well-being of the mother and developing fetus [35, 36]. In addition, body image influences the ability of a woman to develop a positive maternal identity, which has a great impact on her ability to accept the maternal role postpartum. Nevertheless, there is a paucity of evidence in this area with almost all of the studies having been conducted in very small samples containing only nonminority participants or no report of race. A summary of studies evaluating body image during pregnancy is presented in Table 7.1.
Table 7.1
Summary of studies evaluating body image during pregnancy
Author (year) country, design | Population | Setting | Body image assessment | Summary of results |
|---|---|---|---|---|
Boscaglia (2003) Australia, prospective cohort [47] | N = 71 | Not described | Body Cathexis Scale [BCS] | Changes in BIS across the 4 time points were different for the higher and low-exercise groups |
40 high exercisers (HE) | At 15–22 weeks HE were significantly more satisfied with their bodies compared to LE | |||
31 low exercisers (LE) | HE were more satisfied with their bodies at 15–22 weeks’ gestation compared to 6 months prepregnancy and were also more satisfied at both time points during pregnancy compared to their body image satisfaction expectation postpartum | |||
For the LE group, no difference in body image satisfaction across the four time points | ||||
Chang (2006) Taiwan, qualitative study [50] | N = 18 | Clinics at a medical center in Taipei, Taiwan | n/a | Loss of the self/body and expressed concern about regaining the prepregnancy feminine self after the birth of baby |
Approximately 50 % of women emphasized dissatisfaction with their overall appearance | ||||
Negative attitudes toward the changes in their body seemed to be dampened, by awareness that other women shared their experiences | ||||
Partner acceptance of body was an important determinant of body image satisfaction and women expressed fear and anxiety that the changes in their body would negatively affect their relationships with their partners | ||||
Women saw changes in their body as reflective of their child’s development | ||||
Women felt that changes in their bodies reflected their role as mothers | ||||
Women were ambivalent about gaining weight, while some considered all changes in her body as signs of her new role as mother | ||||
Clark et al. (2009) Australia, prospective cohort [48] | N = 116 | Australia | Body Attitude Questionnaire [BAQ] | Women reported feeling least fat at 32–35 weeks when compared to all time points (prepregnancy, 6 weeks postpartum, 6 months postpartum, and 12 months postpartum) |
Women reported feeling most fat at 6 months postpartum | ||||
Significant relationship between depression and body dissatisfaction scores | ||||
Davies and Wardle (1994) UK, cross-sectional study [45] | N = 173 | London antenatal clinics and community sample at a local GP well-woman clinic | Eating Disorder Inventory (The Body Dissatisfaction and the Drive for Thinness subscales were used | Pregnant women were all in their third trimester (mean = 33 weeks) |
76 pregnant women (all third trimester) | Figure rating scale | Pregnant women had a lower score on the “Drive for Thinness” and the Body Image Dissatisfaction Scale compared to the nonpregnant group | ||
97 nonpregnant controls | Body part size perception | In both groups there was a significant positive correlation between BMI and body dissatisfaction | ||
After adjustment for BMI, the pregnant women evaluated themselves as larger than the nonpregnant group | ||||
Duncombe et al. (2008) Australia, prospective cohort [33] | N = 158 | Melbourne and regional Victoria, Australia | Body Attitudes Questionnaire [BAQ] | Prepregnancy: 20 % were satisfied, 74 % wanted a smaller body size, and 5.7 % wanted a larger body size |
Contour Drawing Rating Scale | Body image remained relatively stable. Women who felt good about their bodies at the start continued to do so and those that did not maintained that concern during pregnancy | |||
Pregnancy Figure Rating Scales | ||||
Fairburn et al. (1992) UK, prospective cohort [35] | N = 100 | Maternity hospital in Oxford | Eating Disorder Examination | The degree of concern about body shape increased between early-to-middle and late pregnancy |
Significant decline in concern about weight during the early stages of pregnancy and an increase in the later stages | ||||
Fox and Yamaguchi (1997) UK, qualitative study [46] | N = 76 | Antenatal classes and midwifery centers in 4 London hospital and clinics | 18 % of normal-weight women (NW) experience positive change in BI, 62 % negative change, and 19 % no change | |
Of the overweight women, 62 % experience a positive change, 23 % a negative change, and 15 % no change | ||||
Goodwin et al. (2000), Australia, prospective cohort [51] | N = 65 | Community- and hospital-based prenatal classes | Body Cathexis Scale [BCS] | Significant change in attitude toward body image from prepregnancy to early pregnancy in a negative direction |
Exercisers did not have a more positive body image compared to non-exercisers | ||||
Exercise group had more positive ratings compared to the non-exercise group on combined waist, hips, bust, and abdomen subscales of the BCS at 30 weeks’ gestation | ||||
Harris (1979) UK, prospective cohort [53] | N = 85 | Clinic patients | Stomach Focus dimension of the Body Focus Questionnaire | White women were more aware of their stomachs at each of the three time points (3 months, 9 months, and postpartum) compared to Black women |
Black: 55 | Body Distortion Questionnaire | At 3 months, both groups had similar body distortion; however, body distortion increased for Black women peaking at 9 months and then decreasing fairly close to the score at 3 months. Body distortion decreased for White women most dramatically during postpartum | ||
White: 30 | ||||
Hofmeyr et al. (1990) South Africa, cross-sectional [44] | N = 891 | Antenatal clinic at Johannesburg Hospital | Questionnaire | 19 % felt more attractive than usual |
20 % reported increased interest in sex | ||||
53 % felt less attractive than usual | ||||
60 % reported being less interested in sex | ||||
Richardson (1990) USA, qualitative study [52] | N = 63 | Maternity clinics of a large university-affiliated outpatient facility | n/a | Of 463 experiences reported, 70 % indicated changes in body image |
AA: 14 % | ||||
Hisp: 41 % | Of the 305 changes reported, 80 % were satisfactory and 20 % worrisome | |||
White:45 % | ||||
Strang and Sullivan (1985) Canada, prospective cohort [31] | N = 96 | A large urban hospital in western Canada | Attitude to Body Image Scale | Participants felt more negative about their bodies during the last 3 months of pregnancy than they did before the onset of their pregnancy (p < 0.01) |
The current Institute of Medicine [IOM] guidelines recommend that women with normal prepregnancy weight (body mass index [BMI] <25) gain 25–35 lb whereas overweight (25< BMI <30) or obese (BMI ≥30) women are advised to gain 15–25 lb and 11–20 lb, respectively [37]. However, currently, fewer than one third of pregnant women achieve guideline-recommended gains, with the majority gaining above IOM recommended levels [38]. Excessive gestational weight gain is on the rise, with more than 40 % of normal-weight women and 60 % of overweight women exceeding the gestational weight gain recommendations [38]. There are significant racial differences in gestational weight gain with White women more likely than their African-American counterparts to gain in excess of recommended levels [39–41]. However, African-American women are more likely to enter pregnancy overweight or obese compared to their White peers [42]. As mentioned earlier, a significant amount of research indicates that the idealized image of female beauty in western societies is thin [43]. During the course of pregnancy, with the increase in weight, breast size, and thickening of the waist, women depart from this cultural ideal of beauty. A woman’s assessment of her body image when nonpregnant is based on her current perceived body image in comparison to her ideal body image. Thus, it can be expected that if the ideal remains stable during pregnancy, there would be an increase in body image dissatisfaction as pregnancy progresses [31].
The body changes that occur during pregnancy are somewhat expected, but there are some inconsistencies in the literature on whether a woman adapts positively to these changes or becomes dissatisfied or concerned about them [44–51]. In addition, it is evident that women have conflicting feelings about the changes in their bodies. Although for the most part, women have a positive perception of themselves during pregnancy, a considerable proportion report feeling unattractive [44]. A qualitative study by Chang et al. [50] reported that over 50 % of the women interviewed expressed dissatisfaction with their overall appearance. Some women talked about loss of the self/body and expressed concern about regaining their prepregnancy feminine self after the birth of baby. However, some women responded positively to their changed bodies. For others, the response was either negative or conflicted and their reactions to changing breasts covered the spectrum. Almost half of the women expressed concern and most expressed strong negative reactions to striae gravidarum (stretch marks). In this study, the reactions of significant others played a crucial role in a woman’s adaptation to her pregnant body. As such, Chang et al. concluded that even during pregnancy, women are relying on ideas of men’s standards of attractiveness and media representations to assess the changes they are experiencing during pregnancy. In a cross-sectional study [44] of 891 women, more than half of the study population felt less attractive than usual and 60 % reported being less interested in sex.
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