Anxiety Disorders in Children

Chapter 7
Anxiety Disorders in Childrena


Laura D. Seligman, Erin F. Swedish, and Thomas H. Ollendick


BRIEF OVERVIEW OF DISORDERS


Anxiety disorders in children describe a broad spectrum of syndromes (Grills-Taquechel & Ollendick, 2013). According to the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual, 4th ed. (DSM-IV) (American Psychiatric Association [APA], 1994), children with significant and interfering anxiety can be diagnosed with one or more of eight anxiety disorders (APA, 1994; World Health Organization, 1992):



  1. Panic disorder with agoraphobia
  2. Panic disorder without agoraphobia
  3. Agoraphobia without history of panic
  4. Specific phobia
  5. Social phobia
  6. Obsessive-compulsive disorder
  7. Posttraumatic stress disorder
  8. Generalized anxiety disorder

Additionally, the DSM-IV and the International Classification of Diseases, 10th revised ed. (ICD-10) specify one anxiety diagnosis specific to childhood: separation anxiety disorder (SAD). However, in the most recent version of the DSM, the DSM-5 (APA, 2013), the age-of-onset requirement for SAD has been dropped; thus, SAD is listed among the anxiety disorders. In addition, DSM-5 moves obsessive-compulsive disorder to a new chapter for obsessive-compulsive and related disorders and removes posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) from anxiety disorders and places it in a section titled “Trauma and Stressor-Related Disorders.”


As is evident from this discussion, what is and what is not considered an anxiety disorder by diagnostic classification systems is especially fluid right now. Generally speaking, a broad range of topics can be subsumed under the heading of anxiety disorders in childhood. Due to space constraints, however, we have chosen to limit the more specific aspects of our discussion to the examination of SAD, generalized anxiety disorder (GAD), social anxiety disorder (SOC), and specific phobias (SPs); several papers provide excellent resources for the reader interested in review of the literature on other anxiety disorders in youth (Cary & McMillen, 2012; Franklin, Harrison, & Benavides, 2012; Leenarts, Diehle, Doreleijers, Jansma, & Lindauer, 2012; Ollendick, Mattis, & King, 1994).


Separation Anxiety Disorder


Developmentally inappropriate or excessive anxiety or fear upon separation from attachment figures (usually a parent or primary caregiver) or from home for a duration of at least 4 weeks is the core feature of SAD as defined by both the DSM-5 and the ICD-10 diagnostic criteria (APA, 2013; WHO, 1992). Children with SAD may experience a variety of behavioral (e.g., clinging to attachment figure, crying) and somatic symptoms (e.g., muscle aches, headaches) upon separation from or in anticipation of separation from the attachment figure. Children with SAD experience intrusive worries that something might happen to the attachment figure or to the child him-/herself. Furthermore, a child with SAD may be reluctant to sleep alone or to sleep away from home. School refusal is associated frequently with SAD and can be one of the most debilitating symptoms for both the child and the family. Moreover, comorbidity of SAD with other anxiety disorders and with depression is common (Black, 1995; Last, Hersen, & Kazdin, 1987).


Of note, there is a good deal of variation across cultures regarding expectations for separation; thus, the severity of clinical symptoms that warrant a diagnosis of SAD may vary widely depending on the child’s contextual environment. Thus, it is important to assess for and take into account cultural norms regarding separation when considering a diagnosis of SAD.


Generalized Anxiety Disorder


The core feature of GAD is excessive worrying related to a number of events or activities (e.g., world events) that lasts for a period of six months or more (APA, 2013; WHO, 1992). This worry is difficult to control or stop; children with GAD may experience difficulty concentrating on schoolwork or social interactions because of their focus on their worries. Additionally, the worry is accompanied by somatic complaints and distress. As with SAD, children with GAD have a high rate of concurrent mental health disorders (Costello, Egger, & Angold, 2005).


Social Anxiety Disorder (Social Phobia)


Social anxiety disorder or social phobia is characterized by an excessive fear of negative evaluation by others. Often this extreme fear of judgment and evaluation is in situations with unfamiliar people or situations that could possibly result in scrutiny. The anxiety must be present in a variety of interactions (e.g., with peers, not just in interactions with adults) for a diagnosis of SOC to be made. Typically, children with social anxiety avoid social interactions to the extent that normal daily functioning can be greatly impaired (Stein & Gorman, 2001). The onset of SOC generally occurs during adolescence (approximately 13 years of age, on average); however, SOC can become evident during early childhood (Beidel, Turner, & Morris, 1999). As with other anxiety disorders, children with SOC often present with comorbid disorders; moreover, SOC in youth is associated with increased risk of substance abuse disorders later in life (Buckner et al., 2008).


Specific/Simple Phobia


Specific (simple) phobia is defined by excessive and marked fear in response to encountering or anticipating an object or situation (e.g., heights, small places, animals) (APA, 1994). The fear causes distress and interference in the child’s routine, and the feared stimulus is generally avoided. Although adults often realize that their fears are excessive and unreasonable, this may not always be the case for children. It is estimated that SPs occur in about 8% of children (Kim et al., 2010). Again, children with SPs often present with comorbid disorders (Kim et al., 2010).


EVIDENCE-BASED APPROACHES


Over the past few decades, research has identified various evidence-based approaches for children with anxiety disorders. More specifically, research suggests that some treatments work better than others for children who experience anxiety and that cognitive behavioral therapy (CBT) has a relatively strong evidence base (Seligman & Ollendick, 2011). Although there are variations in the specific approaches for different anxiety disorders, in general CBT for child anxiety focuses on the cognitive and behavioral processes hypothesized to lead to and maintain anxiety. More specifically, the core components of CBT for anxious youth include psychoeducation, emotion education, problem solving, cognitive restructuring, exposure, and relapse prevention. Treatment programs typically last from 12 to 18 sessions, although some treatments have been shown to be efficacious with as few as 8 to 10 sessions (Rapee, 2000).


COMMON COMPONENTS OF EVIDENCE-BASED TREATMENTS FOR CHILDREN WITH ANXIETY DISORDERS


Although many evidence-based treatment programs and packages have been identified, these treatments are based on common core components. These components are discussed next.


Psychoeducation and Emotion Education


Psychoeducation efforts are aimed at helping the child and his/her family understand the treatment rationale and lay the foundation for the skills that are the focus of later sessions. Children and their families are given basic information regarding anxiety and are introduced to the CBT model and specifically the interaction among thoughts, feelings, and behavior. Maintaining factors of anxiety are discussed, with a particular focus on avoidance and accommodation. This may be the first time that the family begins to consider that accommodation of anxious behavior and/or avoidance of anxiety-provoking stimuli are not necessary reactions to anxiety. Therapists focus on helping families understand that the experience of anxiety is not, in and of itself, dangerous and that anxiety does not spiral out of control and continue indefinitely, as many people believe.


Psychoeducation also typically involves helping children to recognize and distinguish feelings and increase their awareness of their emotions. Emotion education can help children to identify the specific situations that lead to anxiety. This process can set the stage for later efforts at using coping strategies and monitoring anxious cognitions.


Problem Solving


Problem-solving methods are taught and practiced in order to help children identify new methods for addressing anxiety-provoking situations. Children are taught to use a step-by-step process that includes finding multiple solutions to a problem, examining the costs and benefits of each, and implementing the preferred solution. Given that research suggests that children with anxiety disorders prefer avoidant ways to cope with anxiety and that this behavior may be encouraged by parents (Dadds, Marrett, & Rapee, 1996), problem solving can serve the important function of allowing children to recognize that other approach-oriented options are available and to examine the pros and cons of avoidant versus approach behaviors.


Cognitive Restructuring


Cognitive restructuring helps children identify and replace maladaptive thoughts and beliefs with more adaptive thoughts and beliefs. Learning to think more realistically is an important strategy for helping children overcome anxiety. In order for children to change their thoughts, it is important for them to first understand the relationship among thoughts, feelings, and behaviors. That is, it is important for children to understand that their feelings and emotions are not directly caused by the events and situations that occur but instead by the way events are thought about and interpreted. Such an approach may also allow anxious children to begin to feel more control over their emotions.


Cognitive restructuring efforts often focus on two common errors made by children with anxiety disorders: overestimation of the probability of threat or negative outcomes and overestimation of the negative consequences of an event, should it occur. For example, a little boy who experiences social anxiety when starting a conversation with peers may be taught to examine and modify his automatic thought that other children will laugh at him if he says something wrong when joining a group, or he may be encouraged to modify his beliefs about how bad it would be if the other children did indeed laugh at him.


Given that most anxious children think in these unrealistic ways, it is important for children to recognize their thought patterns and identify their dysfunctional beliefs so they might begin to develop more adaptive ways of thinking. However, the concept of cognitive restructuring and the process of actually changing thoughts is difficult, even for adults. Therefore, when working with children, cognitive restructuring often is introduced as a game in which children are encouraged to become detectives to first find anxiety-provoking thoughts and then to find various clues to determine whether their anxious thought is accurate.


Exposure


Most anxious children have developed ways to avoid the situations that are frightening for them. Therefore, they never allow themselves the opportunity to learn that neither the feared situation nor the experience of anxiety is dangerous. As such, a central component of almost all evidence-based approaches to the treatment of anxiety disorders in children is some form of exposure and response prevention. Often children are exposed to feared stimuli in a graduated process, using a fear hierarchy. Children often are encouraged to conceptualize the hierarchy as a stepladder or hill that they are climbing, taking small steps in order to climb the entire way. Exposure can be in vivo or imaginal, but often a combination of the two is used.


Relapse Prevention


Treatment usually terminates as children become more adept at using the skills taught and generalizing these skills to other settings. As such, concluding sessions often focus on consolidation and assessment of skills. Many times relapse prevention is the focus of the final sessions. Reoccurrence of anxiety symptoms can occur for several reasons (see Bouton, Woods, Moody, Sunsay, & Garcia-Gutierrez, 2006); when anxiety does reoccur, it is important for children and the parent to know that they have acquired the necessary skills to prevent the anxiety from becoming impairing and out of control. Relapse prevention focuses on combining the skills learned during treatment and applying them with decreased reliance on the therapist. During relapse prevention, situations are identified that potentially could be problematic in the future, and children and their family are asked to identify skills that could help them in managing these situations. The therapist must assess whether each child and family has the ability to use the skills independently and to generalize the skills to novel problems. Treatment ends when these conditions are met, not when anxiety is absent or when stressful situations cease, as anxiety and potential stressors are considered normal experiences that are not inherently dangerous.


EVIDENCE FOR THE EFFICACY OF CBT FOR THE TREATMENT OF ANXIETY DISORDERS IN CHILDHOOD


There is growing evidence for the use of CBT as a first-line treatment for anxiety disorders in childhood. This evidence is reviewed below.


Generalized Anxiety Disorder, Separation Anxiety Disorder, and Social Anxiety Disorder


Randomized controlled trials (RCTs) provide strong evidence for the use of CBT for the treatment of GAD, SAD, and SOC for youth as young as 3 years of age (e.g., Kendall, 1994; Minde, Roy, Bezonsky, & Hashemi, 2010; Silverman, Kurtines, Ginsburg, Weems, Lumpkin, et al., 1999). More specifically, individual cognitive behavioral therapy (ICBT), group cognitive therapy (GCBT) with parents, and group cognitive therapy (GCBT) without parents all have been shown to be efficacious. Overall, studies indicate that ICBT and GCBT are comparable (e.g., Flannery-Schroeder & Kendall, 2000), as is CBT with or without parent involvement (see the Parent Involvement section further on). Remission rates, defined as youth diagnosis free at posttreatment, are as high as 65% to 70% (Barrett, Dadds, & Rapee, 1996; Flannery-Schroeder & Kendall, 2000). Specific manualized evidence-based treatments have been developed for GAD, SAD, and SOC in youth. One of the most widely researched, the Coping Cat program (Kendall, 1994), a manual for use with children 6 to 13 years of age, addresses impairing and distressing symptoms related to anxiety using CBT as described earlier. Included in the program is a therapist manual and child workbook. Early trials have shown the Coping Cat program to be effective compared to a wait list, with approximately 53% of children free of their primary diagnosis at the end of treatment (Kendall et al., 1997). Additionally, children treated with the Coping Cat program show significant improvement in symptomatology based on parent and child reports, and multiple long-term follow-up studies provide evidence that positive outcomes are maintained across time. For example, at an average of 3.35 years after the conclusion of treatment, anxious youth maintained treatment gains such as positive changes in coping and decreased levels of distress (Kendall & Southam-Gerow, 1996). Similarly, adolescents who had completed the Coping Cat program on average 7.4 years earlier also maintained positive treatment gains, with 81% of the adolescents no longer carrying their initial anxiety diagnosis, based on parents’ interview (Kendall, Safford, Flannery-Schroeder, & Webb, 2004). Importantly, this suggests that the benefits of CBT treatment are maintained across developmental periods. In addition, the Coping Cat program has been adapted and extended in other countries. For example, in Australia, studies suggest that treatment programs stemming from the program provide similar positive outcomes (e.g., Barrett, 1998).


Specific Phobia


Research also supports CBT for the treatment of SPs in youth (Davis, Ollendick, & Öst, 2009, 2012; Ollendick et al., 2009). More specifically, evidence suggests that exposure to the feared stimulus is crucial in the treatment of SP in children (Cornwall, Spence, & Schotte, 1996). For example, Cornwall and colleagues found emotive imagery to be superior to a wait-list control for the treatment of SPs. More specifically, results revealed that children who received emotive imagery tolerated a dark room longer compared to children in the wait-list group, and parents of children in the emotive imagery group reported their child experienced an overall reduction of the fear of darkness, with outcomes maintained at 3-month follow-up (Cornwall et al., 1996).


In another study, children age 6 to 16 with a phobic disorder were assigned to exposure with self-control, exposure plus contingency management, or education support. Eighty-eight percent of children who received exposure therapy with self-control were diagnosis free at posttreament as compared to 56% of the youth who received education support (Silverman, Kurtines, Ginsburg, Weems, Rabian, et al., 1999). Further, positive treatment gains were maintained at 3-, 6-, and 12-month follow-up assessments (Silverman, Kurtines, Ginsburg, Weems, Rabian, et al., 1999). Interestingly, more recent research suggests that treatment for SPs can be delivered effectively in a single, intensive session (see adaptions and modifications as well as Ollendick et al., 2009).


In sum, CBT has been shown to be effective for children with a variety of anxiety disorders. Although CBT can be delivered in a variety of formats depending on the specific anxiety disorder, numerous randomized controlled studies suggest that CBT can be efficacious in both the short and the long term.


PARENTAL INVOLVEMENT


Numerous studies have demonstrated a link between anxiety disorders in youth and parental psychopathology, particularly anxiety and affective disorders (e.g., Beidel & Turner, 1997; Lieb et al., 2000). Additionally, research has shown that parenting behavior may lead to, or at least help maintain, anxious symptomatology in children. For example, parental overcontrol and overinvolvement have been associated with anxiety symptoms in children (Hudson & Rapee, 2001, 2002; Muris & Merckelbach, 1998). Furthermore, several studies have suggested that parents may transmit information about threat and harm, either verbally or through modeling, that may lead to increased anxiety in their offspring (Ehlers, 1993; Lester, Seal, Nightingale, & Field, 2010; Muris, Mayer, Borth, & Vos, 2012). Similarly, some studies have suggested that parenting behavior can interfere with nonanxious learning once anxiety symptoms become evident, either by encouraging avoidant responses on the part of the child or by making modifications in family behavior that allow for avoidance (e.g., Dadds et al., 1996; Futh, Simonds, & Micali, 2012). Because of these findings linking parent psychopathology and parenting behavior to anxiety disorders in youth, it often has been hypothesized that parental involvement in the treatment of children with anxiety disorders is necessary or, at a minimum, parental involvement should result in better outcomes than treatments that focus exclusively on the child. Research testing these hypotheses, however, has yielded less than strong support.


Dadds and colleagues were the first to examine parental involvement in the treatment of anxious youth, conducting a small open trial of a CBT treatment with a parent component over 20 years ago (Dadds, Heard, & Rapee, 1992). Five of the seven children receiving treatment for SAD, avoidant disorder, or overanxious disorder1 were diagnosis free after the 12-week treatment, offering promise for involving parents in the treatment of anxious youth. Since that time several other studies have supported the efficacy of parent involvement in the treatment of children with anxiety disorders, either in individual or group format, for problems ranging from anxiety symptoms, to phobias, to severe obsessive compulsive disorder (Barrett, Healy-Farrell, & March, 2004; Dadds, Spence, Holland, Barrett, & Laurens, 1997; Manassis et al., 2002; Shortt, Barrett, & Fox, 2001; Silverman, Kurtines, Ginsburg, Weems, Lumpkin, et al., 1999; Silverman, Kurtines, Ginsburg, Weems, Rabian, et al., 1999; Storch et al., 2007). Across these studies, results suggest that children get better with CBT aimed at the child and the parent and that their outcomes are superior to untreated youth followed on a wait list. However, results are more equivocal when studies examine whether treatment for the child and the parent is superior to treatment for the child alone.


Promising findings in the Dadds et al. (1997) trial led to a more methodologically rigorous test of the effects of parent treatment—a controlled trial in which CBT with parent involvement was compared to child-focused CBT and a wait-list control (Barrett et al., 1996). The parent component of treatment taught skills such as planned ignoring and the use of social and tangible rewards to increase nonanxious, approach-oriented behavior. Additionally, parents were trained in communication and problem-solving techniques aimed at increasing their ability to work together and decreasing parental conflict concerning child rearing. In general, findings favored the CBT with parental involvement treatment. For example, at posttreatment assessment, significantly more children in the CBT plus parent treatment group were diagnosis free: 84% in the CBT plus parent treatment group compared to 57% in the group in which only the child was treated. Parent report of child symptoms also suggested that the addition of the parent treatment component was beneficial. Child reports of symptoms did not differentiate among any of the treatments—including the wait-list control; however, this seems to be a common finding in treatment trials for pediatric anxiety disorders, suggesting that child self-reports may not be the best method for measuring treatment effects (see the section titled “Measuring Treatment Effects”). Interestingly, the benefit of parent treatment was not universal. Results suggested that younger children (7–10 years) and girls had better results with the CBT plus parent treatment; for boys and older children (11–14 years), the CBT with parent treatment was comparable to the CBT treatment for the child alone.


The findings from this trial regarding the long-term effects of adding parent treatment to child CBT were more mixed. At 6-month follow-up, the differences in recovery (i.e., absence of anxiety disorder diagnosis) between the two active treatments disappeared (71.4% for the CBT for the child-only group; 84.0% for the CBT plus parent treatment group). However, at 12-month follow-up, the recovery rate in the child-only group was relatively stable, with 70.3% judged to be diagnosis free. The children whose parents also received treatment seemed to show continued improvement over time, with 95.6% diagnosis free at the 1-year mark. Again, parent reports also provided evidence of superiority for parental involvement in treatment, but child reports generally did not.


More recent studies, however, show somewhat weaker effects for the addition of parent involvement. For example, one study (Nauta, Scholing, Emmelkamp, & Minderaa, 2003) compared a wait-list control group to CBT for the child only and CBT for the child plus cognitive parent training in a trial for children and adolescents with a DSM-IV diagnosis of anxiety disorders. Results suggested that both active treatments were better than the wait list but that the two treatments did not differ. Similar results were found in a treatment study to address PTSD and PTSD symptoms in youth with histories of sexual trauma (King et al., 2000). In this trial, CBT was compared to family CBT and a wait-list control. Although active treatment was superior to wait list, again there was little evidence to suggest that the addition of the family component was beneficial. Spence and colleagues also found that parent involvement did offer significant improvement over child-only CBT for youth with SOC (Spence, Donovan, & Brechman-Toussaint, 2000). Although a similar study (Mendlowitz et al., 1999) tested the hypothesis that parental involvement would be better than CBT for the child alone for a more varied group (i.e., children with any DSM-IV anxiety disorder), they also found little evidence for the superiority of additional treatment with the parents. Moreover, it should be noted that across these trials, the addition of parent involvement typically was confounded with more treatment time; that is, not only did families in the CBT with parent involvement treatment groups receive additional treatment components (e.g., contingency management training), they also received more treatment—up to twice as many sessions or treatment time—yet little additional benefit was observed. Moreover, some trials actually have found that behavioral indicators suggest child treatment alone or parent/teacher treatment alone may outperform combined parent and child treatment (Öst, Svensson, Hellstrom, & Lindwall, 2001).


Thus, while these studies suggest limited cause for enthusiasm, conclusive statements about added benefit of parental involvement may require more targeted investigations. For example, although the earliest study to examine parental involvement suggested that benefits may be limited to younger children and girls, many subsequent trials that have found no added effect have included adolescents up to 17 or 18 years of age (King et al., 2000; Nauta et al., 2003) and almost all of the studies to examine the additional benefit of parent treatment involved both boys and girls. Additionally, sometimes parent involvement has been minimal. For example, in Öst’s trial examining the effects of single-session treatment for SPs with or without parental involvement, the parent involvement could range from active modeling of nonanxious behavior in session to simply being present while the therapist delivered the treatment (Öst et al., 2001). Concerns about the strength of the parent treatment in the combined treatment groups are compounded by the fact that CBT treatments for the child only often necessarily include some parent involvement (see, e.g., Kendall, 1994).


Also, parent treatments sometimes have been limited in the degree to which empirical data and theory have guided treatments. For example, despite studies that have shown problematic communication patterns in the families of anxious children, few parent treatments have focused on changing these patterns in much depth. Additionally, although parent treatment is hypothesized to be beneficial in part because of the association between parental psychopathology and child anxiety disorder and, in fact, studies have found parent psychopathology to be a negative prognostic indicator in the treatment of child anxiety (Berman, Weems, Silverman, & Kurtines, 2000; Southam-Gerow, Kendall, & Weersing, 2001), the aforementioned studies have examined the effects of the addition of parent treatment without regard to whether parental psychopathology was present.


Two studies that have taken a more targeted approach to the question of whether parental involvement confers benefits over child treatment alone have shown some promise. In one, Wood and colleagues (Wood, Piacentini, Southam-Gerow, Chu, & Sigman, 2006) examined the effects of a parent treatment component focused specifically on modifying some of the problematic communication patterns found in the families of youth with anxiety disorders. More specifically, they compared CBT for the child only to CBT with parent treatment focused on increasing autonomy granting and decreasing parental intrusiveness. Moreover, consistent with past findings, the trial included relatively young children (i.e., 8 to 13 years). At post, parent reports of child anxiety were significantly better in the CBT with parent involvement group, as were clinician ratings of severity and improvement; differences in diagnostic recovery did not reach statistical significance, although there was a trend favoring the CBT with parental involvement group. Of note, these effects could not be attributed to the CBT with parental involvement group receiving more treatment because, unlike earlier trials, treatment time was equated in both groups. That is, the parent group differed only in the focus of the treatment, not in the amount of the treatment. Interestingly, parental anxiety did not predict treatment outcome. Unfortunately, no analysis of whether parent disorder interacted with treatment condition (i.e., whether parents with anxiety disorders were the ones who needed the additional parent treatment) was reported. However, this matching hypothesis was tested in a trial conducted by Cobham and colleagues (Cobham, Dadds, & Spence, 1998). In this study, children and early adolescents (7–14 years) with anxiety disorders were assigned to CBT or CBT plus parent anxiety management (PAM). In some families, only the child was anxious; in other families, the parent(s) also had significant problems with anxiety. As with Wood and colleagues (Wood et al., 2006), the amount of treatment time was equated across groups. When comparing the two treatments without regard to parent anxiety status, results were similar to other trials. Although there was a trend toward greater recovery in the CBT + PAM group, the difference was not statistically significant; however, an interaction between treatment condition and parental anxiety status was found. If parental anxiety was absent, there was no difference between treatments; however, if the parents were anxious, CBT + PAM was superior. Although these results seem promising and could offer specific suggestions to clinicians about when it may be worthwhile to add parent treatment, the benefit of matching seemed to disappear by 12 months. In this case, however, the parent treatment was only four sessions; it may be that more treatment is needed.


In sum, despite research and theory that suggests that the addition of parent treatment to child-focused CBT for child anxiety should be beneficial, tests of this hypothesis have yielded mixed results and do not provide strong evidence of the long-term benefits. This may be because treatment focused on the child changes the child’s behavior, which in turn changes the family dynamic, or it may be that parental involvement could be beneficial in specific cases (e.g., for young girls whose parents are anxious), but these fine-grained relationships have yet to be examined. Extant studies, both successful and unsuccessful, have clearly provided multiple hypotheses for further study, and we must await these studies to make a more definitive statement on the role of parental involvement in child treatment (also see Breinholst, Esbjørn, Reinholdt-Dunne, & Stallard, 2012). This caveat notwithstanding, however, the current options for parent treatment seem to have significant costs, with many requiring additional treatment time and training on the part of therapists, without the expected benefits.


ADAPTATIONS AND MODIFICATIONS


Current evidence-based treatments for child anxiety, although manualized, are inherently flexible in that proper implementation requires adapting the treatment procedures for the specific child and the context in which the child’s symptoms are present (Kendall, Gosch, Furr, & Sood, 2008). Several specific adaptations of current treatments have been examined in the literature. Here we briefly review efforts addressing single-session treatments, nontraditional treatment delivery methods, and evidence-based approaches to prevention and early intervention.


Single-Session Treatment


Ollendick and colleagues have found support for an intensive version of CBT for youth with SPs (Davis et al., 2009; Ollendick et al., 2009). More specifically, results from an RCT conducted in the United States and Sweden show that a single session, lasting up to 3 hours and focusing on graduated exposure with the aim of modifying catastrophic conditions, can be effective for a sizable proportion of youth with clinically significant SPs (Ollendick et al., 2009). Although there was some evidence from this trial that girls’ long-term outcome was superior to boys’, in general the treatment seemed to be effective across a range of sociodemographic variables as well as comorbid conditions (Ollendick, Öst, Reuterskiöld, & Costa, 2010). Moreover, dropout was nonexistent (since there was only one prolonged session), so this may be an especially attractive option for families that may not have the resources to attend sessions regularly over 4 to 6 months. Whether intensive treatment programs such as this can be used with children with other anxiety disorders awaits further research.


Alternative Methods of Treatment Delivery


Parent-directed bibliotherapy, in which parents are taught to implement a CBT treatment with their child, has been shown to be effective (Rapee, Abbott, & Lyneham, 2006); however, studies suggest that many families need support in the form of therapist contact in order to stay engaged with and benefit from such treatments (Lyneham & Rapee, 2006). Of note, this is not to say that all forms of self-help books that address anxiety in youth would be expected to be efficacious; the book used in these trials was based on a treatment approach with empirical support.


Similarly, Kendall and colleagues have examined computer-assisted treatment delivery as a method for disseminating the empirically supported Coping Cat treatment. In this program, children first work through six computerized sessions to learn CBT skills such as problem solving and relaxation, then they continue to use the computerized treatment package with assistance from a therapist to complete tailored exposure sessions. Research suggests that this method of delivery is better than an education support condition and produces outcomes similar to standard CBT with about half of the investment of therapist time (Khanna & Kendall, 2010).


Community Intervention and Prevention Efforts


Several studies have shown some support for the use of CBT strategies either as a universal prevention program or for use with children who evidence high levels of anxiety symptoms but not necessarily a full-blown anxiety disorder (Aune & Stiles, 2009; Essau, Conradt, Sasagawa, & Ollendick, 2012; Neil & Christensen, 2009; Simon, Dirksen, Bögels, & Bodden, 2012; Stopa, Barrett, & Golingi, 2010). These interventions often use strategies similar to those found effective in trials of diagnosed youth but often with fewer sessions. Typically these programs are delivered in a group format and by classroom teachers. Studies generally have shown a reduction in anxiety over time with such interventions, although some have found this reduction to be similar to that found in control conditions; additionally, further research is needed to determine whether such interventions for high-risk youth prevent the development of later anxiety disorders.


MEASURING TREATMENT EFFECTS


The effects of treatment for children with anxiety disorders generally have been measured using three primary methods: structured or semistructured diagnostic interviews, child self-report questionnaires, and parent questionnaires. Other methods, including teacher reports, behavioral observations, physiological assessment, and parent or self-monitoring, sometimes are used. A thorough review of each of these methods and their empirical support for measuring reactions to treatment is beyond the scope of this chapter; therefore, our discussion focuses on the most commonly used methods. We refer the reader to Silverman and Ollendick (2005) for a more extensive review of the current state of empirically based assessment for child anxiety disorders. Additionally, although projective techniques sometimes are used in clinical practice for the assessment and monitoring of anxiety in children, data on the validity and cost effectiveness of these measures do not support their continued use (Lilienfeld, Wood, & Garb, 2000); therefore, such measures are not included in our discussion.


Evaluation of treatment effects in children with anxiety and anxiety disorders is a complex undertaking for several reasons. For one, given the high rates of comorbidity within the anxiety disorders and between the anxiety disorders and depression (Seligman & Ollendick, 1998), a thorough assessment of treatment outcome in children with anxiety disorders must include evaluation of co-occurring disorders and symptoms. Additionally, unlike externalizing disorders, in which symptoms often are readily observable by significant others, such as parent and teachers, many of the most significant symptoms of anxiety disorders in youth (e.g., worry, physiological symptoms) are internal and may not be detected by even close family members. Theoretically, then one would expect children with an anxiety disorder to be in the best position to report on their symptoms and changes in their symptoms; however, this may not be true. Children with anxiety disorders may be embarrassed to admit to their symptoms; in fact, such fear of negative evaluation by others may be a central problem for some of these children. Social desirability in the reporting of anxiety symptoms may be especially problematic for young children, and this may be compounded by cultural differences in that African American and Latino/a youth may respond in a more socially desirable manner on self-reports of anxiety in comparison with European American/Caucasian youth (Dadds, Perrin, & Yule, 1998; Pina, Silverman, Saavedra, & Weems, 2001). Developmental considerations also add to the complexity of the assessment of treatment outcome in youth in that the nature of severity of normative fears and anxiety covary with development (Gullone & King, 1993; Westenberg, Gullone, Bokhorst, Heyne, & King, 2007); therefore, ideal measures of treatment effects would be sensitive to change in symptoms while at the same time accounting for predicted change due to development. Unfortunately, the technology of the assessment of anxiety symptoms in youth has not advanced to this stage just yet. Given these complexities and the limitations of any one measure or class of measures, the assessment of treatment outcome in clinical trials has used a multi-method, multi-informant method. While this is probably a wise decision, research has shown that such measures rarely converge into one cohesive picture (Grills & Ollendick, 2002; Ollendick, Allen, Benoit, & Cowart, 2011; Safford, Kendall, Flannery-Schroeder, Webb, & Sommer, 2005). Therefore, it is important to consider how to integrate discrepant information and which data to weigh most heavily.


In this regard, structured and semistructured diagnostic interviews and rates of recovery (i.e., diagnosis free at posttreatment) largely have been considered the gold standard for measuring treatment effects in most trials of treatment for anxiety disorders in youth. These interviews, particularly the Anxiety Disorders Interview Schedule for Children for DSM-IV: Child and Parent Versions (ADIS-IV: C/P) (Silverman & Albano, 1996; Silverman, Saavedra, & Pina, 2001), have good reliability (see Table 7.1), and evaluation of comorbidity is easily accomplished because these interviews generally include a thorough assessment of all of the anxiety disorders as well as the most frequently co-occurring disorders. Screening questions for less commonly occurring disorders are included in the parent version (i.e., the ADIS-IV: C/P). Moreover, in the hands of a well-trained clinician, these instruments have the potential to be sensitive to developmental considerations. Treatment studies have shown that diagnostic status, as measured by the structured and semistructured diagnostic interviews reviewed in Table 7.1, is sensitive to treatment effects in that they distinguish between treated and untreated children and, in some cases, between children treated with different types of treatment (e.g., Barrett et al., 1996).


TABLE 7.1 Reliability of Common Childhood Anxiety Diagnoses With the Use of Structured or Semistructured Interviews


Note: DSM-IV = Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, 4th ed. (APA, 1994); SAD = separation anxiety disorder; SOC = social anxiety disorder; SP = specific phobia: GAD = generalized anxiety disorder; NIMH = National Institute of Mental Health.

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Sep 11, 2016 | Posted by in PEDIATRICS | Comments Off on Anxiety Disorders in Children

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